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A NEED TO ACT ON BURMA
By John McCain and Madeleine Albright
April 27, 2004 (Washington Post) "Apathy in the face
of systematic human rights abuses is immoral. One either supports
justice and freedom or one supports injustice and bondage."
So said Archbishop Desmond Tutu, the South African Nobel laureate
and anti-apartheid leader, who knows something about the struggle
for human freedom in the face of tyranny.
The world's democracies have a common moral obligation to promote
justice and freedom. In few places is this obligation more acute
than in Burma, a country in which a band of thugs, led by Gen. Than
Shwe, controls the population through violence and terror. The regime
has a record of unchecked repression. It has murdered political
opponents, used child soldiers and forced labor, and employed rape
as a weapon of war.
Nearly one year ago the Burmese military junta launched an orchestrated,
violent attack against democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and hundreds
of her supporters. Since then the regime has kept more than 1,000
political activists imprisoned, including elected members of parliament.
It recently sentenced three Burmese citizens to death for contacting
representatives of the International Labor Organization.
The Burmese junta, with the cynical support of neighboring governments,
has announced a "road map to democracy," beginning with
a constitutional convention in May. The convention is expected to
be stage-managed by the junta, which has offered no meaningful participation
to Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy, no timetable for progress
toward a political transition, no release of political prisoners
and no guarantee that the military will cede control to democratically
elected leaders. Instead, the junta's proposals seem designed to
institutionalize military control by creating a veneer of civilian
authority, while meeting only the minimum expectations of Western
democracies in order to avoid further sanctions.
The Burmese regime's recent actions demonstrate that years of international
engagement and patience have not made the dictatorship more humane,
reasonable or open to accommodation with its political opponents.
On the contrary, it is only in response to international pressure
that the regime has made even the smallest moves toward a political
settlement with the democratic opposition. The lesson is clear:
The world's democracies and Burma's neighbors must press the junta
until it is willing to negotiate an irreversible transition to democratic
rule.
The legitimacy, authority and commitment of Burma's democratic leaders
to govern their country is not in doubt.
But the international commitment to Burma's democratic transformation
remains uncertain. The Western democracies and Burma's neighbors
should immediately take three steps to bolster Burma's legitimate
democratic leaders.
First, Congress should promptly renew, and the president sign into
law, the ban on Burma's imports enacted into law last July. These
sanctions, which are set to expire after a review period beginning
Friday, are supported by Burma's National League for Democracy.
The restrictions have made it more difficult for the Burmese military
to tap financial assets abroad, travel or accumulate revenue through
trade. The European Union, whose member democracies care deeply
about protecting human rights, and whose trade and assistance programs
give it critical leverage in Southeast Asia, is set to announce
a new Common Position on Burma on Thursday. As part of this new
policy, the EU should also initiate targeted sanctions against the
regime.
Second, the EU and the United States, with support from Asian nations,
should urge the junta to implement immediately the provisions of
the U.N. Commission for Human Rights and the U.N. General Assembly
resolutions -- including democracy, the rule of law and respect
for human rights. The United States and the EU should also formally
place the issue on the agenda of the U.N. Security Council, and
work urgently toward a resolution threatening credible sanctions
against the Burmese regime unless it initiates meaningful progress
toward democracy.
Third, China, Thailand, India and other Asian nations uncomfortable
with a tougher response to the junta's crimes must understand that
diplomatic obfuscation and obstruction on Burma will profoundly
affect their broader bilateral relationships with the Western democracies.
Thailand in particular should consider this point when it convenes
its planned international conference to discuss what it optimistically
calls "Burma's progress toward democracy."
Beyond these steps, the United States, Europe and Asian countries
must demand the unconditional release of Aung San Suu Kyi and her
fellow political prisoners, but make clear that the releases, while
necessary, are insufficient. In addition, they should continue calls
for a political settlement that reflects the results of the free
and fair elections held in 1990. This settlement must include a
central, determinative role for the National League for Democracy.
In another era, a dissident playwright named Vaclav Havel wrote
of the "power of the powerless" to overcome rule by fear
and force, at a time when such a revolution in human freedom seemed
impossible. The international community today has the power to help
the powerless inside Burma throw off the shackles of tyranny. It
is time to assume this moral responsibility. It is time to act.
John McCain is a Republican senator from Arizona.
Madeleine Albright was secretary of state from 1996 to 2001.
From
Washington Post Page A21
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