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PUSH FOR PEACE IN CYPRUS HITS
HARDLINE BLAME GAME
By Scott Peterson
March 13, 1998 (Christian Science Monitor
article in The Hamilton Spectator) The Greek Cypriot women gather
at the Ledra checkpoint every weekend, wearing black and protesting
against the loss of their loved ones. Faded photos of missing husbands,
sons, and fathers hang from their necks.
Tears well up easily at the memory -- now more than two decades
old -- of crimes committed by invading Turks in 1974. Photographs
of Turkish atrocities, including murder and torture victims, keep
the memory fresh.
A journey of 100 metres in Cyprus --from the ethnic Greek south
to the Turkish-controlled north, at this checkpoint -- shows how
deeply ingrained different national myths and histories have become.
That divide is thwarting diplomatic efforts to solve the problem
of Cyprus. Turkish Cypriot leaders of their breakaway state, which
is recognized only by Turkey, voted on Tuesday not to take part
in settlement talks until their enclave is recognized as sovereign.
This month was meant to provide a "window" for a breakthrough,
after Greek Cypriot elections in February, and before the Greek-led
government of Cyprus begins talks on joining the European Union.
But after a three-day visit by Thomas Miller, the U.S. State Department
co-ordinator for Cyprus, he was less than optimistic.
"I do think as I leave here that the goal of a bi-communal,
bizonal federation is feasible," he said Tuesday.
"Is it easy? No. It is very difficult."
At the Ledra checkpoint, the Greek Cypriot women protest at anyone
who wants to cross the line, to bestow legitimacy on what they call
the "genocidal" Turkish regime of the north.
For them, this is a march into the arms of an enemy who should not
be spoken to until all 1,619 Greek Cypriots they count as missing
have been accounted for.
The growing peace movement and bi-communal activities -- which had
begun to blossom on both sides until the new year, when Turkish
Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash brought them to a halt -- are for these
women a waste of time.
Greek Cypriot hard-liners have also blocked Greeks from meeting
their Turkish counterparts before, threatening violence.
"This is a wall of shame, but one day it will be finished,"
says Paula David-Bye, whose two cousins are missing. "We don't
believe in those bicommunal contacts. We are going to fight to the
death."
Wearing photos of six male relatives around her neck, Charita Mantoles
says: "They were all taken alive, and we want them back alive.
We don't just want bags of bones."
But Greek Cypriots are not the only ones who exploit their status
as victims, as becomes clear just up the road: "Turkish Republic
of Northern Cyprus-- FOREVER" declares a large sign atop the
sentry post.
Graphic depictions of Greek atrocities against ethnic Turks from
1963 to 1974 -- including mass graves -- are pasted up to make clear
that Turks have also been victims.
Between 450 to 800 Turkish Cypriots, they say, are unaccounted for.
"Those Greek people who lost their relatives -- I recognize
their suffering, but there is not a single family who was not affected,"
says Dervish Besimler, head of the North Cyprus Young Businessmen's
Association, who regularly took part in bi-communal peace activities.
"But do we want a repetition of that?" he asks. "I
hope not." Greek Cypriot peace activists voice the same disappointment
with extremists.
Both displays confirm the official propaganda, that "we"
were the most victimized, and "they" were the most ruthless
and wrong, and therefore have the most to answer for -- and the
most to give up -- in any settlement.
It's a phenomenon exacerbated by politicians who gain more from
being hard-liners than from being peacemakers.
Both sides have "profoundly different and incompatible views
of history" caused by "one-sided bias and chauvinism in
everything from schools to the media to politics," notes Dan
Lindley, a PhD candidate at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology
in Cambridge, Mass., in a recent report.
He suggests the two sides work to establish a "common history":
"This project is not a fault-assigning exercise but it cannot
avoid being in part 'a who-did-exactly-what-to-whom' exercise, described
as factually as possible," he writes.
"No doubt this is difficult, but so is living together."
One Greek Cypriot woman protesting at the checkpoint takes a more
moderate line.
"We can live with them, why not?" says Elli Stavrou, whose
husband, Petros, disappeared while fighting in 1974.
"They are not all bad," she adds.
"We just want justice and peace, not war."
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