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ALL UNJUST PERSONAL LAWS MUST
GO, BE THEY HINDU, MUSLIM OR CHRISTIAN
By Indira Jaising (Senior lawyer, Supreme Court of India, and women's
rights activist)
July 2004 - (Communalism Combat) Triple talaq is a system of di-vorce
that exists in Muslim Per-sonal Law that allows the hus-band to
divorce his wife by uttering the word 'talaq' thrice. This right
does not exist for the woman. A Muslim woman has no right to divorce
her husband through a system similar to the triple talaq. She would
need to go to a Darul Qaza and prove the atrocities committed by
her husband in order to get a divorce.
I have dealt with several cases where
Muslim women have been driven to the divorce court in prolonged
proceedings when their husbands have opposed a divorce. She can,
however, get an extra-judicial divorce on the condition that she
forgoes her mehr. The situation is patently discriminatory against
women. It is primarily an issue of justice - can a marriage contract
entered into by the free consent of two parties be broken by the
unilateral will of one party? No
other contract, including commercial contracts, can be broken in
this manner. The breaking of a marriage contract has emotional and
financial concerns that go beyond any other contractual concerns.
Often it is not only the interests of women that are at stake but
those of children as well.
The Bombay high court observed many years ago that the practice
of triple talaq may be 'good in law' but is 'bad in theology'. This
is a strange role reversal. I believe the truth lies the other way
around - 'may or may not be good in
theology', but 'bad in law.'
Supreme Court on Triple Talaq:
In Ahmedabad Women's Action Group (AWAG) and others v. Union of
India, (1997) 3 SCC 573, a writ petition was filed to declare Muslim
Personal Law, which enables a Muslim male to give unilateral talaq
to his wife without her consent and without resort to judicial process
of courts, as void, offending Articles 13, 14 and 15 of the Constitution.
However, the Court refused to entertain the writ petition because
the issue involved State policies. The Court was of the opinion
that the remedy could not be provided by the judicial process and
instead must be sought elsewhere.
At the same time, the Court has tried to introduce some safeguards
into the talaq process.
The Court has stated that talaq, in order to be effective, has to
be pronounced. In Shamim Ara v. State of UP and another, (2002)
7 SCC 518, a mere plea taken in a written statement of a divorce
having been pronounced sometime in the past was held to not be treated
as effectuating a talaq.
Instead, a talaq had to be 'pronounced', that is, it had to be proclaimed,
uttered formally and articulated. Therefore, the Court has introduced
a condition precedent for the effectiveness of a divorce.
I totally disagree with this approach of the court in the AWAG case.
Under our scheme of laws, the courts are bound to give their opinion
of the constitutional validity of any personal law, be it Hindu,
Muslim, Sikh or Parsi. I recognise the problem that arose in the
Shah Bano case. Yet I think that the problem there was the fact
that the Court, instead of confining itself to the constitutional
and legal validity of the grant of maintenance to Muslim women under
Section 125, CrPC, took it upon itself to interpret the Koran.
It is no part of the court's role to interpret the Koran and spell
out the entitlements of women from the Koran. Our constitutional
entitlements as spelt out by the courts must come from the Constitution,
not the Koran or the Manusmriti. It is in no part the business of
the courts to interpret religious texts, that is the job of theologians,
not the constitutional court. When judges begin to interpret the
Koran, or give us a definition of 'Sati' as being a Sita from Ramayana
and Anasuya, or interpret the content of 'Hindutva' as in Manohar
Joshi's case, they destroy one of the core commitments of the Constitution,
namely, secularism. No secular judiciary has the right to interpret
what is the core content of any religion, Hindu, Muslim or Christian.
The storm over Shah Bano was over the authority of the Court to
interpret the Koran. It has nothing to do with gender justice.
We are passing through difficult times, when right wing forces have
polarised society and unleashed an assault against the minorities.
At such times it is even more necessary that the courts take a "hands
off" position on religion.
This, however, does not mean that they take a 'hands off' position
on law. Any rule, regulation, custom or law that binds citizens
is capable of being challenged on the grounds that it violates the
fundamental rights of citizens.
Triple talaq must be declared unconstitutional, not because it is
un-Islamic, but because it is unconstitutional.
More than 54 years after independence, it is time we recognise that
our constitutional values are as much a part of our cultural inheritance
as any other. Courts have been put in place to enforce constitutional
values. That is their job. Their refusal to do so is an abdication
of function. It is relevant to note the approach of the Supreme
Court in Danial Latifi v. Union of India, (2001) 7 SCC 740. In interpreting
the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986, the
Court held that the Act would be unconstitutional if not interpreted
to mean that women would get a reasonable and fair provision and
maintenance.
The Court fought shy of declaring the Act unconstitutional, but
at least they did not base their interpretation of the Act on theology,
but on the Constitution.
It is not as if courts have taken a hands off approach to Muslim
law alone, they have done the same with Hindu Personal Law. No provisions
of Hindu Personal Law have been declared unconstitutional, though
repeatedly challenged.
This deference to religion, be it Hindu or Muslim, is unhealthy
and has subverted a debate on gender justice.
All unjust personal laws must go, be they Hindu, Muslim or Christian.
The issue is not uniformity but gender justice - all unjust laws
must be declared unconstitutional. It is up to women of all persuasions
to challenge all unconstitutional personal laws. While the Personal
Law Board may or may not recognise a triple talaq, a
constitutional court certainly should not, on the ground that it
is unjust, unfair, arbitrary and discriminatory.
At a recent meeting of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board,
the Board refused to discuss the issue of triple talaq and the need
to reform the practice into more equitable and gender sensitive
practices. The meeting ended with the
promise that the Board would spread awareness among the Muslim community
about practices of 'triple talaq in one sitting'.
These may be laudable efforts by the Board. The body however has
no authority to lay down the law of the land and interpret the Constitution.
Its legitimate role would be advocacy for the acceptance of an altered
and equitable
constitutional regime.
From: South Asia Citizen's Wire
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