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RESOLUTION 1325
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Who's Responsible for Implementation?
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WOMEN’S FULL PARTICIPATION IN CONFLICT
PREVENTION, PEACEBUILDING NEEDED TO END USE OF SEXUAL VIOLENCE
AS WEAPON, ENSURE LEGAL RIGHTS, SAY COMMISSION SPEAKERS
February 29, 2008 (UN) Women must be allowed
to participate fully in peacebuilding and conflict prevention
in order to end sexual violence against women as a method of warfare
and ensure women’s full legal, socio-economic and political
rights after the fighting was over, several speakers told the
Commission on the Status of Women this morning.
In 2000, the Security Council passed resolution 1325 calling for
women’s equal participation with men in maintaining and
promoting peace and security, but that resolution was a long way
from being adequately implemented, said Anne Marie Goetz, Chief
Adviser of Governance, Peace and Security of the United Nations
Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM).
Speaking during a panel discussion to evaluate progress in the
implementation of the agreed conclusions on “women’s
participation in conflict prevention, management and conflict
resolution and in post-conflict peacebuilding”, Ms. Goetz
said very few women participated in peace talks as official negotiators
or observers. Disarmament, demobilization and reintegration processes
rarely addressed the needs of women associated with fighting forces,
and post-conflict planning and financing for women’s recovery
was weak.
The use of sexual and gender-based violence as a method of warfare
was actually on the rise, she said, adding that male soldiers,
ex-soldiers and civilians alike preyed on women and children with
impunity, while men returning home from the battlefield awash
with small arms and light weapons posed a continuing threat to
women and children.
“Use of this tactic is hardly new. But by 2008, it is reasonable
to expect more alacrity and decisiveness in the international
community’s response to sexual violence,” Ms. Goetz
said. “The fact is, however, that sexual violence is not
seen as a threat to peace or as a trigger for significant security
responses.”
A gender-sensitive perspective on conflict resolution, peacebuilding
and rehabilitation was essential, she continued. UNIFEM was working
to achieve that by engaging women directly in peace processes
in the Sudan, where it had recently facilitated women’s
access to the institutions brokering peace talks on Darfur, and
in northern Uganda, where it partnered with the Department of
Political Affairs to install a gender adviser with the United
Nations envoy to the Juba talks. UNIFEM helped members of the
Women’s Peace Coalition to be present in Juba and have access
to both negotiating teams there to share women’s perspectives
on the peace agreement. And in Rwanda and Kosovo, as part of the
“United Nations Action against Sexual Violence in Conflict”
initiative, UNIFEM had supported improved access for women victims
of violence to the police, and gender-sensitive police investigation
and case-management systems.
Still, budget allocations for women’s post-conflict reconstruction
and rehabilitation priorities were inadequate, particularly in
terms of livelihood recovery, shelter, land rights and security,
she said. Women must have security so they could participate in
peace and post-conflict governance processes.
Gina Torry, Coordinator of the NGO Working Group on Women, Peace
and Security, agreed. “Quietly, and not so quietly”,
she said local, regional and international civil society alliances
were building. In the territory that has been imagined as belonging
only to men in suits, puffing on cigars, “women have taken
up human security worldwide as a key, overarching priority and
as one in which their participation and input has been historically
and semantically left out”, she said.
Since the adoption of resolution 1325 and the relevant 2004 agreed
conclusions of the Commission, State actors, women and women’s
organizations and civil society networks had joined forces to
make peacebuilding more effective and sustainable, she continued.
Through partnerships, women’s networks and coalitions were
now better positioned to effectively channel multiple voices and
concerns to the highest levels of Government and international
policymaking. Getting women and the women’s perspectives
took careful leg work in the lead-up to formal talks, peacebuilding
and institution-building. “The United Nations, no doubt,
has a powerful role to play from the start.”
Still, United Nations high-level or fact-finding missions led
by the Department of Political Affairs -- which often first assessed
where the Organization’s peacebuilding support would be
best placed -- did not adequately involve local women in the process,
she said. The NGO Working Group had intervened on several occasions
after such missions had been deployed to urge meetings with local
women peacebuilders, including during the high-level fact-finding
missions to Nepal in 2006 and Fiji in 2007. In those cases, the
Department had responded positively to the NGO Working Group’s
request and later arranged for such meetings. Women’s networks
must keep the pressure on and be more strategic and proactive,
in that regard. They must choose representatives to effectively
communicate their collective messages and conduct follow-up.
Echoing those sentiments, Carolyn McAskie, Assistant Secretary-General,
United Nations Peacebuilding Support Office, said local women’s
contributions were important because they had first-hand knowledge
of their respective communities’ needs. They could help
remedy previous structural gender inequalities, while constructing
a more just society during post-conflict development. The United
Nations peacebuilding architecture was trying to enable that process.
For example, in Sierra Leone, a visiting senior Peacebuilding
Commission delegation successfully advocated for the adoption
of laws to promote gender equality, thus providing the political
support needed to outlaw domestic violence and ensure women’s
rights to inheritance and property ownership, she said. In Burundi,
women participants helped to integrate gender equality into democratic
governance and the peacebuilding framework. Thanks to the quotas
in the peace agreement and Burundi’s new Constitution, women
were now well represented in Government, holding 30 per cent of
parliamentary seats and seven minister posts. Women had also been
elected for the first time as chiefs of communes.
Overall, national capacity weaknesses could be a major obstacle
to achieving gender equality goals, she warned, adding that: “We
have learned that our ability to affect real change in gender
equality through peacebuilding greatly depends on how the international
community establishes its priorities and uses its resources.”
Effective implementation of gender issues required several things,
among them gender-sensitive programme design, strategic planning,
operational capacity, capable partners, appropriate human resource
and communications strategies, resource mobilization, and gender-sensitive
financial management and reporting.
Commission Chairperson Olivier Belle ( Belgium) moderated the
discussion.
The Commission will meet again at 10 a.m. Monday, 3 March, to
continue its discussion on follow-up to the Fourth World Conference
on Women and to the special session of the General Assembly entitled
“Women 2000: gender equality, development and peace for
the twenty-first century”.
Background
The Commission on the Status of Women met today to continue its
session on the follow-up to the Fourth World Conference on Women
and the twenty-third special session of the General Assembly entitled
“Women 2000: gender equality, development and peace for
the twenty-first century”. During the meeting, it was scheduled
to hold an interactive dialogue to evaluate progress in the implementation
of the agreed conclusions on “women’s participation
in conflict prevention, management and conflict resolution and
in post-conflict peacebuilding.
Statement by Chairman
Introducing the interactive discussion, Commission Chairperson
OLIVIER BELLE ( Belgium) said the discussion would evaluate progress,
as well as highlight good practices and strategies for better,
faster implementation of the 2004 agreed conclusions. The link
between gender equality and peace and security was well-established.
The Beijing Platform for Action highlighted that “peace
is inextricably linked between women and men and development”.
Security Council resolution 1325 (2000) on women and peace and
security called for women’s equal participation with men
and their full involvement in maintaining and promoting peace
and security.
Keynote Speakers
CAROLYN McASKIE, Assistant Secretary-General of the United Nations
Peacebuilding Support Office, said that, since adoption of the
agreed conclusions in 2004, the United Nations had set up, as
one of the key outcomes of the 2005 World Summit, a peacebuilding
architecture, comprised of the Peacebuilding Commission, the Peacebuilding
Fund and the Peacebuilding Support Office. The systematic inclusion
of women and gender analysis in peacebuilding was intrinsic to
the just reconstruction of political, legal, economic and social
structures, as well as to the advancement of gender-equality goals.
It also made economic growth and human social capital recovery
more durable and effective.
Local women had first-hand knowledge of their communities’
needs, she said. Because peacebuilding aimed to reconstitute various
structures, it had the potential to remedy previous structural
gender inequalities, while constructing a more just society. Because
gender inequities sometimes shaped forms of violence used in conflicts,
addressing them had the potential to prevent future violence.
It was important to take advantage of post-conflict opportunities
and resist efforts to return to the pre-conflict status quo that
may have been discriminatory towards women.
Despite much rhetoric about women’s roles in peacebuilding,
women’s contributions had rarely been fully recognized,
she said, stressing that the Peacebuilding Commission stood to
more fully engage women in designing and implementing peacebuilding
policies. It had begun to put theory into practice at the country
level in Sierra Leone and Burundi, the first two countries on
its agenda. For example, in January 2007, the United Nations Development
Fund for Women (UNIFEM) and the Peacebuilding Support Office convened
a national consultation that informed women’s leaders and
civil society organizations in Sierra Leone about the Peacebuilding
Commission and helped set up a national peacebuilding agenda for
women. As a result, the Mano River Women’s Network for Peace
was one of two civil society representatives on the Peacebuilding
Fund National Steering Committee.
In Sierra Leone, a visiting senior Peacebuilding Commission delegation
successfully advocated for the adoption of laws to promote gender
equality, thus providing political support needed to outlaw domestic
violence and ensure women’s rights to inheritance and property
ownership, she said. And, in December, the Sierra Leone Government
and the Peacebuilding Commission adopted a Peacebuilding Cooperation
Framework that recognized gender-equality as a cross-cutting peacebuilding
issue and listed specific commitments to advance that goal, such
as support for Family Support Units of the Police, capacity-building
of national gender institutions, and implementing domestic violence,
inheritance and property rights laws.
In Burundi, women participated in the peace process, integrating
gender equality into democratic governance and the peacebuilding
framework, she said. Thanks to the quotas in the peace agreement
and Burundi’s new Constitution, women were now well represented
in Government, holding 30 per cent of parliamentary seats and
seven minister posts. Women had also been elected for the first
time as chiefs of communes. In Burundi’s Peacebuilding Fund
Priority Plan, women and youth were specifically called on to
strengthen peace and social cohesion. The Burundi Peacebuilding
Strategy Framework had an effective system for tracking gender-disaggregated
data, which could be used as template for future data tracking.
Despite those significant achievements, much more must be done,
she continued. “We have learned that our ability to affect
real change in gender equality through peacebuilding greatly depends
on how the international community establishes its priorities
and uses its resources,” she said. National capacity weaknesses
could be a major obstacle to achieving gender equality goals.
That was a problem in both Burundi and Sierra Leone. UNIFEM had
only a modest presence in both countries, due to resource constraints,
and neither of the gender advisers in the integrated offices in
Sierra Leone and Burundi had predictable support. Effective implementation
of gender issues required appropriate policies, technical skills,
gender-sensitive programme design, strategic planning, operational
capacity, capable partners, appropriate human resource and communications
strategies, knowledge creation and management, monitoring and
evaluation, resource mobilization, and gender-sensitive financial
management and reporting.
In that regard, the Peacebuilding Commission Working Group on
Lessons Learned made recommendations in January for possible follow
up, she said. It called for strengthening the research capacity
of countries of interest, in order to improve data collection
on gender and peacebuilding issues. It also called for: identifying
women’ progress in elections as a vital part of medium-
and long-term planning; sensitizing economic policy advisers to
gender issues during the post-conflict reconstruction stage; integrating
women’s access to justice to provide reparations and services
to women survivors of gender-based violence; and setting up greater
monitoring mechanisms for results-based reporting on implementation.
GINA TORRY, Coordinator, NGO Working Group on Women, Peace and
Security, said that she had also played a coordinating role as
part of the transnational civil society alliances working to promote
the full and effective participation of women in peacebuilding
and the integration of gender perspectives into the peacebuilding
initiatives of the United Nations. “Quietly, and not so
quietly”, she said, there was a global movement building:
a movement of local, regional and international civil society
alliances that had identified the inclusion of women and gender
into all aspects of peacebuilding as imperative to the maintenance
of global peace and security.
In the realm of what is imagined, in the global collective consciousness,
as the territory of men in suits, puffing on cigars, “women
have taken up human security worldwide as a key, overarching priority
and as one in which their participation and input has been historically
and semantically left out”, she said. Since the adoption
of Security Council resolution 1325 (2000) and the relevant 2004
agreed conclusions of the Commission on the Status of Women, significant
steps had been made by State actors, women and women’s organizations
and civil society networks to strengthen women’s roles in
peacebuilding and conflict prevention.
She said the United Nations had also made important achievements,
including formulating gender-sensitive action plans in disarmament,
political and humanitarian affairs and efforts to coordinate and
build coherence in its women, peace and security work. Some Member
States had made themselves further accountable to international
commitments by developing and implementing relevant national plans
of action and strategies. While those strides were important,
Governments and the United Nations could not do it alone. Over
the past few years, State actors and women’s networks had
been making significant progress by working together to make peacebuilding
more effective and sustainable.By joining together to bridge internal
divides, women’s networks and coalitions were better positioned
to effectively channel multiple voices and concerns to the highest
levels of government and international policymaking, she said.
Getting women and women’s perspectives to the table to begin
with took careful work preparing the ground in the lead-up to
formal talks, peacebuilding and institution-building. “The
United Nations, no doubt, has a powerful role to play from the
start,” she said.
At the same time, she said that, while gender mainstreaming policies
existed in different United Nations departments, they were still
not always fully or systematically put into practice. One such
gap that did not get enough attention was the terms of reference
for United Nations high-level or fact-finding missions led by
the Department of Political Affairs. Such missions were important
and were often the first steps in assessing where the Organization’s
peacebuilding support was best placed.
She noted that the NGO Working Group had intervened on several
occasions after such meetings had been deployed to urge meetings
with local women peacebuilders, including during the high-level
fact-finding missions to Nepal (2006) and Fiji (2007). To its
credit, the Department had, after each mission, responded to the
request by meeting with women peacebuilders, she said, adding
that the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and other
United Nations agencies had then been helpful in setting up the
meetings. At the same time, though, women’s networks needed
to be more strategic and proactive in that regard, choosing representatives
to effectively communicate their collective messages and recommendations
and conduct follow-up. She acknowledged that that effort would
require the investment of financial and human resources into such
organizations.
Turning to some examples, she noted the sad fact that women’s
early involvement in peacebuilding remained a challenge and said
that had been especially evident in the Peacebuilding Commission’s
initial work in Burundi. Despite 30 per cent representation of
women elected to the national Government, that fact did not impact
upon the original composition of the Commission’s National
Steering Committee. As national strategies began to take shape,
it became clear that women in Burundi were being almost entirely
left behind in the Commission’s work.
The NGO Working Group and Dushierhamwe -- a network of women’s
peacebuilding organizations in Burundi -- had spoken with the
United Nations about this matter and Norway, Chair of the Peacebuilding
Commission’s Burundi Configuration, had taken action. She
said that women’s representatives from both Government and
civil society were now a part of the Steering Committee. She stressed
that getting into the room was just the first step. In order to
play an effective role, women and women’s organizations
were in need of technical, political and financial support and
follow-through.
She went on to stress that there was currently no gender adviser
to the ongoing peace talks on Darfur. That was troubling, because
such experts could help women face challenges and overcome divisions.
They could also take consolidated action needed to build alliances
to facilitate women’s full and effective participation.
Concluding, she said that, despite laudable efforts, there was
still no United Nations mechanism or system to ensure accountability
for failures for achieving women’s equal participation in
conflict prevention, management and resolution.
ANNE MARIE GOETZ, Chief Adviser of Governance, Peace and Security
of the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM), said
UNIFEM was fully committed to implementing Security Council resolution
1325 (2000) and that its advocacy efforts emphasized inclusive
peacebuilding, gender-equality in transitions and recovery processes,
gender-sensitive justice and security-sector reform, and good
governance from a gender-equality perspective. However, resolution
1325 was a long way from being adequately implemented. Very few
women participated in peace talks as official negotiators or observers.
Disarmament, demobilization and reintegration processes still
rarely addressed the needs of women associated with fighting forces,
and post-conflict planning and financing for women’s recovery
remained weak.
The use of sexual and gender-based violence as a method of warfare
was becoming increasingly systematic and widespread, she said.
“Use of this tactic is hardly new. But by 2008, it is reasonable
to expect more alacrity and decisiveness in the international
community’s response to sexual violence,” she said.
“The fact is, however, that sexual violence is not seen
as a threat to peace or as a trigger for significant security
responses.” When law and order was held in abeyance in a
society fractured and brutalized by war, male soldiers, ex-soldiers
and civilians alike preyed on women and children with impunity.
Disarmament, demobilization and reintegration rarely included
systematic psychological debriefs of demobilized fighters who,
once returned to their families and communities awash with small
arms and light weapons, posed a continuing threat to women and
children, she said. “Thus, ending the war does not end the
violence against women.”
A gender-sensitive perspective on conflict resolution, peacebuilding
and rehabilitation was essential. UNIFEM was working to achieve
that by engaging women directly in peace processes. For example,
in the Sudan it had recently supported capacity-building of women’s
groups in Darfur and national peace consultations with women.
It had also facilitated women’s access to the institutions
brokering the peace process there. In northern Uganda, UNIFEM
had partnered with the Department of Political Affairs to install
a gender adviser with the United Nations envoy to the Juba talks.
UNIFEM’s work with the Women’s Peace Coalition had
enabled its members to be present in Juba and to have access to
both negotiating teams to share with them women’s perspectives
on the peace agreement.
UNIFEM advocated for more effective mainstreaming of gender-equality
concerns into all post-conflict needs assessments, joint assessment
missions and other instruments for determining post-conflict investment
priorities, she said. Still, budget allocations for women’s
post-conflict reconstruction and rehabilitation priorities were
inadequate, particularly in terms of livelihood recovery, shelter,
land rights and security. She stressed the need to create security
for women, so they could participate in peace and post-conflict
governance processes. To improve the United Nations capacity to
respond to the problem, UNIFEM had co-founded “United Nations
Action against Sexual Violence in Conflict”, an initiative
of 12 United Nations entities.
As part of that initiative, she continued, UNIFEM supported efforts
to improve military and police tactics to prevent widespread and
systematic sexual gender-based violence in conflict. In Rwanda
and Kosovo, UNIFEM supported improved access by women victims
of violence to the police, and gender-sensitive police investigations
and case-management systems. Based on that work, UNIFEM and the
United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) had co-produced guidance
material on gender-sensitive institutional reform in the police
force. Noting that a major cause of conflict was poor governance,
she said UNIFEM supported women’s political participation
and role as public decision makers in the post-conflict contexts
in which it worked. Since 2004, it had supported capacity-building
of women candidates in, among other areas, Burundi, Haiti, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Timor-Leste
and Afghanistan. It had supported efforts to increase women’s
registration as voters, and had supported civic education programmes
for women.
Interactive Dialogue
When Commission delegates took the floor, many agreed that peace
agreements and reconstruction worked better when women were involved
in the process. Indeed, bringing women to the peace table improved
the quality of agreements reached and enhanced the chances that
they were fully and equitably implemented. At the same time, speakers
called for “real participation”, not just token representation.
Several eschewed the notion that, amid crisis or in the aftermath
of conflict, stakeholders “just didn’t have time”
to focus on the needs and participation of women. They agreed
with the panellists that it was in the very midst of such crises
that resources must be funnelled to social structures to empower
women to play their full role in post-conflict reconstruction
and peacebuilding.
One speaker asked the panellists to give some suggestions on ways
post-conflict societies, which were often coping with lingering
tensions and damaged infrastructure, could promote the participation
of women peacebuilders. Another noted that gender advisers were
often assigned to peace missions after they had been set up. Could
the panel suggest ways in which such focal points could be put
in place during mission planning processes? A civil society representative
asked if there were ways to use the opportunity of post-conflict
peacebuilding to boost participation of girls and young women.
Could post-crisis negotiations also be used as a platform for
helping reduce discrimination against girls and young women?
One Commission member said that, while many speakers seemed to
be in favour of including women in peacebuilding, the fact remained
that, on the ground, there was still a major divide between words
and action. How could that be changed? Another speaker asked how
women’s issues could be included in transitional justice,
including the combat against impunity?
Responding, Ms. McASKIE said that one of the ways the international
community could help promote women’s participation was perhaps
the most simple: women could raise their own voices, including
at home, as well as on the Security Council, the Peacebuilding
Commission and in the General Assembly. She acknowledged, however,
that, once the issue was raised, the appropriate follow-up mechanisms
must be in place.
She noted that the Peacebuilding Commission’s country-specific
meetings ensured that “all the players” were at the
table, hence providing an enormous amount of strategic leverage
for all stakeholders. Still, national organizations and networks
had to get the word out about peace negotiations. “Meetings
can’t take place and then nobody shows up but men,”
she said, adding that to be mainstreamed meant “that you
have to get in the water in the first place”. While that
would require strengthened action by women’s networks, it
would also require Governments and other stakeholder to supply
those networks with more resources to help them participate.
Ms. TORRY agreed that getting women in the room was a start, “but
getting them to the table will show real progress”. She
also agreed that continued awareness-raising on the part of the
Commission and other United Nations bodies was essential.
Ms. McASKIE said that Security Council resolution 1325 (2000)
could be used as leverage to ensure the presence of gender advisers
in the mission-planning stage. She said the Department of Political
Affairs Mediation Unit could also be a point of entry for ensuring
gender expertise in peace talks. “So get your Fifth Committee
(Administrative and Budgetary) colleagues into the room,”
she said, urging Commission delegations to press for the resources
needed to ensure gender perspectives were integrated at Headquarters
level.
She also stressed that the Security Council could ensure that
Secretariat briefings included the gender impacts of conflict
situations. There was also a need to get more women in senior-level
positions who could raise the relevant issues. “We all need
to be speaking the same language,” she said.
While discussing transitional justice and impunity would take
up an “entire session”, she underscored that the United
Nations was working to ensure that crimes against women were included
in truth commissions and reconciliation processes. Further training
for men, as well as women, on the gender aspects of transitional
justice was also necessary. To that end, she noted that, in many
post-conflict countries, because of male wartime casualties, more
and more women were now working at universities and in other academic
fields, who could be brought into the discussion.
Ms. TORRY added that resolution 1325 (2000) could also be used
to ensure that women were protected against sexual violence. She
recalled that the text also required the Security Council to meet
with women’s groups when they went on country missions.
That language was very important. For example, the 2006 United
Kingdom-led mission to Sudan had met with several women’s
groups and it was no coincidence that, a month later, the Council
had adopted a resolution on the situation in Sudan that actually
contained language on women and gender, not just the usual mention
of resolution 1325. She also called for troop-contributing countries
to ensure that their forces were gender trained. Agreeing that
more and better reporting to the Security Council on sexual violence
was vital, she called for the creation of a relevant monitoring
mechanism within the Council on that issue.Another participant
asked panellists to elaborate on the size and work methods of
the gender units of the Department of Political Affairs, the Department
of Peacekeeping Operations and the Peacebuilding Support Office,
and whether they were sufficient.
The speaker from the Democratic Republic of the Congo said that,
at this very moment, women and girls were being raped and killed
in the eastern part of her country. That fact demanded redoubled
effort by the international community to help remove all foreign
armed groups, especially from the Kivus. She asked what UNIFEM
was doing or could do to help.
Responding to the questions and comments, Ms. McASKIE said it
was up to Governments to work out burden-sharing with civil society
at the national levels. At the same time, civil society partners
in the North could help their Southern counterparts by providing
information and technical support. She said that it would be extremely
helpful if the Security Council itself decided to call for the
addition of information on the gender impact of conflict. Council
members could, for instance, say they would not discuss any issue
without also touching on gender differentiation. Summing up, she
recalled that a time of conflict and crisis provided an excellent
opportunity to push for women’s involvement in peacebuilding
and reconstruction.
Ms. TORRY asked the delegates to consider what they could do to
raise awareness about women’s roles in peacemaking. She
added that extra funding was not enough. Dedicated, adequate and
sustained funding was required. High-level United Nations leadership
was also vital, she said, noting that the Organization still had
no representative for the women’s agenda or to monitor implementation
of resolution 1325 (2000). She also noted that the Secretary-General
used to report every year on implementation of that resolution,
and that was no longer the case. The NGO Working Group had always
called for a focal point to increase accountability regarding
implementation of the resolution.
Ms. GOETZ said it was remarkable that so many delegations had
called for linking gender activists with security actors on the
ground. Such coordinated action would go a long way towards preventing
sexual violence and protecting women during conflict and in post-conflict
peacemaking. Also, the incidents of sexual abuse by some peacekeepers
had detracted attention from the extremely positive role military
and police could play -- and were playing -- on the ground to
combat violence against women and other human rights abuses. Noting
that there were several excellent examples of such cooperation
between gender activist and police under way, including pilot
projects, she called on delegations to share such positive experiences
with others.
From:http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2008/wom1670.doc.htm
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