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The middle-east crisis: one
woman's view
August 4, 2006 - (Open
Democracy) In the midst of the destruction of civilian lives in
Lebanon, women and families on all sides are trying to build bridges
against militarisation and for peace, says Pamela Ann Smith.
As I watch the news about the unfolding crisis in Lebanon, Israel
and Palestine, I am taken back to 1972, when I was a young American
graduate student in Beirut. Then it was the various Palestinian
factions, not Hizbollah, who were lobbing shells across the border
into Israel. From my balcony in the centre of the city, I watched
as United States-made Phantom jets pounded the "southern
suburbs" in retaliation.
The next day, almost invariably, the Lebanese papers – English,
French & Arabic – were filled with graphic, horrific
pictures of the damage done to the Palestinian refugee camps.
The vivid pictures – of dismembered babies and women; of
the elderly dead, dying or wounded in their shanties; of schools
set on fire, homes demolished, women pleading with the cameramen
– were shocking and unforgettable.
These Palestinians were among the hundreds of thousands of refugees
in the country, displaced into Lebanon by the wars of 1948 and
1967. At the time, many Lebanese regarded them with suspicion
rather than sympathy, and blamed militant Palestinian groups –
Fatah, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, or al-Saiqa
– that seemed to care more about their struggle with Israel
without any concern for the damage it could inflict on the country
that had given them refuge.
I knew little then about the details of the conflict. But I was
enraged that American-made planes, flying the star of David, were
inflicting such casualties on civilians – Lebanese as well
as Palestinian – and violating Lebanese air space (then,
as now, there was no Lebanese military response, whether in the
air, sea or on the ground). I decided to start writing about the
Palestinians. Who were these "refugees", why were they
so hated … and why did they hate Israel so much?
Thirty-four years later, the TV pictures sweep across my screen
here in London of dead and dying women, children, disabled and
elderly people being brought out on stretchers from Qana in southern
Lebanon and other locations of atrocity and suffering. I wonder
what has changed.
Again, the primary victims are civilians, and though the majority
this time are Lebanese they include today Palestinians in Gaza
as well as in the refugee camps of Beirut's southern suburbs and
the Beka'a valley to the east. The same families and their descendants
are being targeted as in 1972.
Whatever one's own personal ideology – pro-Israel, anti-Israel,
pro-Lebanese, pro-Palestinian, anti-terror – it cannot justify
these attacks on innocent civilians, children, women, non-combatants.
Pamela Ann Smith is an American writer and journalist based in
London who has been covering the middle east since 1968. She is
currently updating her book, Palestine and the Palestinians: 1876-1973,
and writing a new one, Palestine and the Jewish Diaspora: A Woman's
Point of View
Taking sides
When, four days into the war in mid-July 2006, my brother sent
an email from his Chicago home with the subject-line "This
Damn Israel," all these images and memories gave me the urge
to convey to him my own sense of how a horrible tragedy was unfolding
in the middle east, particularly for the Lebanese and Palestinians.
Instead, I found myself cautioning him.
I understood my brother's rage. In light of many years of conversations
and messages shared during my decades of travelling in the middle
east as a journalist and writer, I have seen him develop his own
fondness for the Palestinians. On this occasion, he has also been
made furious at the lack of TV coverage from Lebanon in the United
States, and the overwhelming preponderance of reporting from Israel
or from a pro-Israel Washington. The newspapers, including the
liberal establishment publications, were no better. "They
will have nothing to do with saying anything that is anti-Israel
or which harms their alliance with the totally pro-Israeli Christians,
for fear of losing their Jewish/Christian readership", he
wrote.
On the surface at least, my brother's outrage echoed my own, even
though I could not be sure whether he was right in his assessment
of the media's opinion-formers. At the same time, I had to say
to him that this was definitely not the way forward.
Deep down, I suspected that behind his vehemence lay a sense of
impotence that derived from liberal Americans' inability to effect
any change in the Bush administration's policies on this and many
other issues. It is the same feeling that underlies the increasing
assault on the American media by many pro-Israeli Americans (Zionist
and "Christian" alike) who also read newspapers and
watch TV – and see them blame Israel for taking measures
in its own self-defence, against an enemy determined to destroy
it.
There is here a hardening of attitudes on all sides, a taking
of polarised positions, and a use of inflammatory language –
all of which is likely to fuel the conflict rather than bring
a resolution closer. I had already witnessed this phenomenon in
relation to many of the region's wars: 1973, 1982, 1990, 2003
– and it was also evident to those who recalled or learned
about 1956 and 1967, as well as the "year zero" of 1948,
when Israel was created and the Arab armies invaded what was left
of "Palestine" to try to destroy the Zionist nation
at birth.
My brother, despite his fierce opposition to Israeli aggression
and its occupation of other people's land, is not an anti-Semite.
But I was worried that he and many others like him in the US –
and their numbers are growing – might, if they are not careful,
give ammunition to those who are. Many in his generation have
forgotten or never learned how virulent anti-Semitism, like racism
in general, can be, wherever it appears.
Thinking it through
So I replied to my brother: "What's new?" I suggested
that the real reason for Israel's attack on Gaza and then Lebanon
was to "break up the Hamas/Fatah alliance that was going
to lead to a Palestinian referendum recognising Israel's right
to exist in return for a Palestinian state in the West Bank and
Gaza." Israel's new prime minister Ehud Olmert and many of
his supporters, I explained, were determined after the withdrawal
from Gaza to keep some of the large Israeli settlements in the
West Bank. As a result, they do not want negotiations on a withdrawal
to the 1967 borders, even if they could secure recognition of
Israel by "hardline" Arab states such as Saudi Arabia
(as promised in King Abdullah's 2004 peace plan) as well as by
the Palestinians.
In addition, "my" president, George W Bush, was hardly
likely to force Olmert towards compromise, given his complete
failure to push the "roadmap" process and his administration's
determination to bring down the democratically elected Palestinian
government formed after Hamas's victory in the January 2006 elections.
For Bush and his allies, the "war on terror" comes first.
Two and a half weeks, that email response has stood the test.
It seems that this war could go on for still more weeks, with
all the consequent losses of civilian lives that entails.
Ever the optimist, I concluded my message by saying: "My
biggest hope is that the mothers of Israeli soldiers and relatives
of the victims of suicide bombings will get together with the
mothers, wives and sisters of Palestinian militants to stop the
escalating militarisation, and brutalisation, on both sides."
My current research, I told my brother, has uncovered a lot of
evidence "that they are doing that, too, even if the outside
world knows little about it." And this is also true, I now
realise, of the families of the dead and injured on both sides
in this latest war.
Today, in London, I take limited comfort that the newspapers and
TV here are highlighting the devastating, criminal attacks on
civilians in Lebanon and Israel, rather than just the military
strategies and diplomatic manoeuvres. Maybe that's partly because,
three decades on from my stay in Beirut, there are now more women
in the media?
Meanwhile, I look forward to the day when my compatriots insist
that United States planes, bombs and money be used to make peace,
not war.
From: http://www.opendemocracy.net
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