|
SURVIVING KOSOVO'S WAR WAS HARD.
SO IS THE PEACE
By James S. Gordon
February 22, 2004 (Washington Post) The tiny
house in the Drenica region of Kosovo was colder and darker than
the gray midwinter street outside. The windows were small and smudged,
and there was no electricity. There was a single chair at a table
on which sat a used dish and glass. I stood there in December, shivering
in my warm parka, while a man who is 50 but looked 65 gestured at
the picture of his son. The young man was a student when it was
taken, later a soldier with the Kosovo Liberation Army. At 21, he
killed himself in this small house, in a region where suicide has
become all too common.
It was my 15th trip to work with ethnic Albanians in Kosovo since
1998. Then as now, my colleagues and I were teaching health and
mental health professionals, teachers and mothers to use mind-body
medicine (meditation, guided imagery, breathing), self-expression
(through words, drawings and movement) and group support to deal
with their own psychological trauma and in turn to help others.
When I first arrived in Drenica more than five years ago, there
was war. In that poor but beautiful mountainous region, where the
Kosovo Albanian armed struggle against the Serbs began, thousands
of Albanian homes were being burned or bombed, and massacres --
of 10, 20 or 50 men, women and children in or in front of their
homes -- were frequent. Fields, littered with the carcasses of slaughtered
cattle, lay fallow. In the mountains where the populace had fled,
old people and infants were dying of infections and exposure; mothers
were frantic with worry about missing sons and husbands; fear filled
their children's nights and the drawings that they did with us.
Even in 1999, after the NATO bombing that
expelled Serbian troops, sorrow at the devastating loss of family
and friends mixed with joy and pride in liberation.
For the last two years my colleagues in Drenica and I have had a
different concern. This region, which is the geographic center of
Kosovo as well as the cradle of its revolution, has become the center
of a Kosovo-wide escalation of suicides. According to police statistics,
which can't be considered completely reliable, there was only one
suicide in Drenica between 1950 and 1999. In the four and half years
since the end of the NATO bombing, 40 have been recorded among the
region's roughly 150,000 people.
The exponential increase in self-destruction can also be seen in
the southern rural region of Suhareka, where the war raged for 15
months and 90 percent of all houses were burned, according to the
United Nations. There, the number of suicides has climbed from one
every year or two in the decades before the war to seven in 2003
alone, local police say. In nearby Prizren, a region of 220,000,
police figures for 2003 note 13 suicides.
The suicide rate for Kosovo overall may not seem high to Americans,
as we lose 11 people to suicide per 100,000 each year. But in a
place where close families and Islamic tradition once sustained
those who were vulnerable to despair, and restrained those who might
have acted on suicidal urges, an increase from one per 100,000 to
the current rate of 10 or 11 or 13 is stunning.
The "psychological autopsy" of suicide is rarely easy.
Still, some patterns emerge. There are, to be sure, individual psychological
issues: Many of those who killed themselves are described by family
members as lifelong "introverts;" a few had a history
of childhood sadness, perhaps depression, and sudden rages. But
beyond individual factors is the experience of war, and the poverty
and social and emotional dislocation that have come in its wake.
They saturate the lives of the despairing, and of their families,
like dark water in a swamp.
More than15,000 and perhaps as many as 18,000 people were killed
in the 1998-99 war in Kosovo. The vast majority were civilians,
many of them women and children. The web of extended families and
close community that has helped to sustain the living in their grief
also ensured that nearly everyone lost someone they knew well. The
years since then have been a disappointment. Kosovo's ethnic Albanians
are now largely free of Serbian rule, but their hopes for economic
recovery have dimmed. The unemployment rate in Kosovo is more than
60 percent, according to the government there, and those who can
find work often must hold two or three jobs to feed their families.
Only the region around Ferizaj, where 5,000 people still work for
the U.S. Army, seems prosperous.
In poor rural areas, which almost certainly sent the largest proportion
of young people to fight and which paid the heaviest penalty in
loss of lives and property, freedom today feels like a prison of
poverty. With little or no way to shape their own, or their country's
future, young men, among them many veterans, feel isolated and paralyzed.
Sitting idle for too many hours each day, they are overwhelmed by
memories of damage and loss. Levels of post-traumatic stress disorder
-- extreme agitation, emotional withdrawal, flashbacks and nightmares
-- seem to be as high in Drenica and Suhareka, four years later,
as they were in the months just after the war.
Late last year, I listened as families described loved ones they
had lost to suicide. One, a man from Suhareka, had been a solider
in the Yugoslav army in Croatia in 1991. His job was to pick up
the body parts of Croats blown or hacked to pieces. Eight years
later, he volunteered to help free his own land from the Serbs.
After that war ended in 1999, the images of body parts, the terrible
smells and the memories of the cruelty he witnessed in Croatia returned
-- "re-traumatization," we psychiatrists call it. Like
fog, they filled days emptied by poverty and underemployment, and
obscured his future. "Blood will not be forgotten," he
told his father. Two years later, he ended his life with a pistol
he had used in the war.
During the war in Kosovo, a teenage boy in a Drenica village watched
playmates die and was beaten by Serbian soldiers. Afterward, he
came to believe that French NATO troops, who searched angrily for
weapons, might turn their fury on him. Last summer he used a pistol,
too.
The son of the man in the tiny cold house could not stay comfortably
with his family when they left Drenica for the South. Haunted by
memories of killing, pained by a war wound, finding no work in the
south, he returned over and over to the grim cottage to which his
father now returns. He used a Kalashnikov.
Women are also killing themselves, although here, as in most countries
, in many fewer numbers than men. Sometimes the act appears to be
a direct consequence of war: Rape by Serbian soldiers steeps a woman
in shame, isolates her from her family and friends, and forecloses
marriage prospects; suicide seems the only way out.
More often, though, the effects of the war on women who commit suicide
are indirect and compounded by changes in the postwar culture. The
girls at a rural high school in Suhareka dress and act like their
American counterparts. They stop at the Internet café and
watch satellite TV. They are living in the 21st century, but in
their poor homes, disillusioned and disheartened fathers insist
on 19th-century behavior and values. An example: A man in Gjilan
who lost a son in the war became depressed, aggressive and increasingly
authoritarian. He arranged a marriage between his bright, lovely
daughter and an older suitor. When the husband turned out to be
physically abusive, the daughter begged to divorce. "You'll
not come home," her father told her. "I'll kill myself,"
she said. And she did.
Suicide may be a solitary act, but it reverberates among those who
are close to it. In Kosovo, where extended families are often huge
and community ties, if fraying, are still strong, the tremors are
seismic.
Before his son's suicide, the man in the cold, dark cottage, was,
I am told, witty and resourceful, a successful store owner. Now
he is morose, has trouble working and makes little money when he
does. His wife yells at her remaining children, weeps when they
are minutes late and scans the radio for bad news. "The best
part of our life is in the grave," the man says.
Suicide does not, according to the few studies on the subject, automatically
increase after a war. But when soldiers are wounded physically and
emotionally, when their sacrifices feel devalued, the rates increase.
There are also more suicides when social dislocation is pervasive
and economic opportunity is stunted, as it is among those who live
in postwar poverty in refugee camps and slums in Asia, Africa and
the Middle East. When both devaluation and dislocation are present,
as they are in Kosovo, the ground is well-prepared for self-destruction.
Ever since my most recent trip there, I keep thinking about how
ignorant we in America are about war and its consequences. I want
to take those who commit us to war to meet the broken, grieving
families in Drenica and Suhareka to remind them that war does not
end with combat, "major" or otherwise, and that "victory"
brings almost as much suffering as defeat. I want Americans to feel
that those dead young people are our children, too, and that casualties
are not only "over there" or "among those people."
Like them, our dead and wounded soldiers from the wars in Afghanistan
and Iraq will not disappear from the lives of their families and
communities. My experiences in Kosovo tell me that what our soldiers
are seeing and feeling and doing will continue to haunt them, particularly
if they have doubts about what they are doing. The suicide rate
among our troops in Iraq is up, as reported by this newspaper last
Thursday, and I worry that the discontent, depression and anger
among the wounded who return is just beginning.
Author's e-mail: JGordon@cmbm.org
James Gordon, a psychiatrist, is director of the Center for Mind-Body
Medicine, a nonprofit group working in Kosovo (and soon to be working
with Israelis and Palestinians) to address the psychological trauma
caused by war.
From: http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A59366-2004Feb20.html
|