The Impact of War on Women: Current Realities, Government Responses and Recommendations for the Future
Neil Jeffery, Executive Director and Tara Carr, Research Fellow, U.S. Office on Colombia, February 2004

Colombia ’s war, pitting leftist guerrillas against the government and right-wing paramilitary forces, has cost thousands of lives over the last four decades.  After the close of unsuccessful peace talks between the Pastrana Administration and the guerrilla forces in 2002, Alvaro Uribe was elected president with a mandate to defeat the guerrillas through aggressive national security policies.
 
International and regional organizations agree that Colombian women are uniquely affected by the political violence in their country.  Colombian women face challenges that are physical, socio-economic, psychological and political in nature.  Multilateral and domestic groups recognize that women require targeted programming to respond to their distinct needs and responsibilities, and that current approaches fall short of that goal.  
 
The majority of women directly affected by the conflict are displaced. According to the Colombian NGO Consultaria para los Derechos Humanos y el Desplazamiento (CODHES), 412,000 people were displaced in 2002 alone, bringing the total number of displaced since 1985 to three million. Significantly, one in three IDP (Internally Displaced Person) families is headed by a woman, over 53% of IDPs are women, and more than 70% are either women or children.  Notably, women carry the primary responsibility for attending to family members’ health, educational and psychological needs.  
 
In order to respond effectively to the crisis, the government must consider the implications of displacement for women and create remedies that attack the roots causes of sexism, violence and poverty.  It must recognize the security implications for Colombia as displaced women are raising children who may undermine future peace prospects if their human needs are not addressed today.  Likewise, United States aid should be targeted to assist women find solutions to chronic marginalization for themselves and their families. Without sufficient attention to the unique challenges and gifts of women, Colombian society risks wasting valuable human resources and losing opportunities for forging peace.

I.       Physical Violence against Women
 
An epidemic of violence confronts women in Colombia . The U.S. State Department, UNHCHR, CODHES, and the Colombian Human Rights Ombudsman ( Defensor del Pueblo ) all note that internally displaced women and girls are particularly vulnerable to sexual abuse, sexual exploitation, and domestic violence. The UN Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women highlights six forms of physical violence against Colombian women, including rape, forced contraception and sterilization, forced prostitution, sexual slavery and domestic abuse.  According to several delegations of international NGOs, violence against women is worsening as the war accelerates.
 
Sexual violence is used as a weapon of war by illegal armed actors that fight for power and control through attacks on civilians suspected of supporting the enemy.  Paramilitary and guerrilla forces utilize sex to threaten women leaders and human rights defenders and to exert social pressure on the territories they seek to control. Furthermore, they often attack female relatives and partners of the enemy forces and women who have protected young people from recruitment. Violence against civilian women by armed groups has become a common tactic in the conflict.  
 
If a woman or girl is killed in violence by armed actors, sexual abuse, mutilation and rape are not investigated or listed in the death report.  Consequently, the extent of sexual violence in conflict is largely unknown.  Eyewitness testimony, however, suggests that rape is widespread in conflict zones. Women survivors frequently hide the violence done to them out of fear of reprisal or social shame, frustrating the ability to document and attend to their pain.
 
Forced sex, sexual slavery and prostitution are also utilized by paramilitary and guerrilla forces on members of their units, whose ranks are increasingly filled with forcibly recruited women and girls. Human Rights Watch estimates that from one-quarter to one-half of guerrilla combatants are women or girls as young as eight years old.  Male commanders choose under-age sexual partners and force girls to form intimate relationships.  Girls discarded by the commanders find themselves in precarious situations threatening their survival.  Guerrilla and paramilitary forces have abducted girls and women for use as sexual slaves in the camps and as prostitutes among their members.  
 
According to the testimony of former combatants to the Human Rights Ombudsman ( Defensor del Pueblo ) and the UN Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women, female combatants are forced to undergo abortions and/or use birth control involuntarily. The guerrillas require women and girls to use contraception, frequently directing nurses to insert intrauterine devices.  Former combatant testimony indicates that the FARC mandates abortion if a woman becomes pregnant, even if the mother would prefer to keep her baby.
 
The number of women killed in combat has increased by 114% since 2000.  According to Colombian NGOs, 7% of women killed violently in Colombia between 2001 and 2002 died in combat. In a move that would exacerbate numbers of battlefield deaths, a recent proposal to make military service obligatory for all Colombian women was proposed by the administration and is presently under discussion in the Congress.  
 
Violence on the street and in the home is likewise increasing.  According to the National Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences ( Instituto Nacional de Medicina Legal and Ciencias Forenses), between 2000 and 2001the number of gun-related deaths of women increased by over 30%, compared to an increase of 20% for men.    Ten percent of women who died violently committed suicide, as compared to 5% of men.  The trend for these statistics continues rising steadily upward.       
 
Between 1996 and 2001, the Colombian Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences noted an increase in domestic violence cases, estimating the average at six cases every hour. The most common form of abuse is spousal violence, with 70% of affected women victimized by their spouse or partner. Anecdotal evidence suggests that unemployed displaced men release frustration though spousal abuse.  Figures from the Institute indicate that since 1996 intra-family violence has increased by over 25%.  These figures add up to a disturbing pattern: the armed conflict reinforces a structure that employs physical power to achieve goals.  Men and boys raised within this paradigm learn to carve out their dominion through force, asserting physical supremacy over female partners and relatives.  Women and girls experience powerlessness as they receive messages emphasizing their dependence on men and stressing their sexuality as key to their identity.
 
Fifty-two percent of displaced women experience domestic abuse, as compared to twenty percent of non-displaced women. It is estimated by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights that less than half of battered women seek help and a mere 9% present formal complaints in the legal system, in a large part due to fear of reprisal.  Under President Uribe, new legislation prohibits all but the victim of abuse from making an official complaint and initiating the legal process against the perpetrator.  This legislation limits the likelihood of legal prosecution and represents a setback for the protection of women.
 
II.       Socio-Economic Instability and Deterioration Threaten Women
 
The varied needs of Colombian women and girls require differentiated responses from the government. Traditionally, the Colombian government has failed to analyze the impact of gender on socioeconomic indicators and development, and displacement exacerbates the historical discrimination against women. Due to their long-standing domestic role, displaced women are less prepared than their male counterparts for the crisis of displacement, and yet are often saddled with the brunt of responsibilities associated with it. A recent study by the Colombian Ministry of Health demonstrated that Colombian men are five times more vulnerable than Colombian women to premature death by violence or illness. This implies that women are frequently left alone with the responsibility of caring for their families without sufficient capacity to do so.   
 
The Uribe Administration has aggravated the situation by restricting access to health and education services, resulting in ever harsher conditions under which women scramble to provide for their families.  Without security, provisions for basic needs, or adequate education, displaced children grow up in a society that offers few options for employment or self-improvement besides participation in the paramilitary or guerrilla forces or in criminal gangs.
 
Once displaced, IDPs are entitled to three months of government emergency assistance through the Sole Registry of the Displaced Population ( Registro Único de Población Desplazada ).  In order to receive the assistance, IDPs must register and be certified by the government. Women, particularly from the rural sector, are much less likely to possess identification than men, which creates structural impediments to women’s access to services. If identification is obtained, IDPs frequently fear the stigmatization of registering and its implications for maintaining anonymity.  For these reasons, USAID officials and Colombian NGOs estimate that 60% of IDPs are not registered with the government and therefore do not receive assistance.
 
The Uribe administration’s suspicion that some Colombians masquerade as IDPs in order to receive emergency aid has resulted in the reduction of government assistance. In addition to cuts in food and rations, psychological counseling previously provided to IDPs has been reduced. This reduction impacts displaced women who have primary responsibility for the emotional care of their families.   
 
Women throughout Colombia have limited access to the privatized health system.  As concluded by the UN Thematic Group on Displacement, this situation is exacerbated for displaced women who are frequently suspected of being members of the irregular forces.  Officially, Colombia promises free health care to IDPs, but has failed to comply with its pledge. The Colombian Ministry of Health reports that cuts in its resources have resulted in decreased ability to provide care to IDPs, even while need is increasing.  Again, lack of identification papers for women presents problems when they attempt to obtain health services that require status verification.  For women of indigenous or Afro-Colombian descent, the problem is heightened by cultural and ethnic divides.  
 
The government does not provide sexual and reproductive health care to IDPs and depends upon the Colombian non-profit organization Profamilia for these services. Profamilia , a member of the International Planned Parenthood Federation, is unable to reach all regions or sectors of society and cannot provide its services free of charge, as the Colombian government has pledged to do itself.  A Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children report found that IDPs are particularly at risk for contracting HIV/AIDS and other STDs.  In addition, government numbers indicate that 30% of displaced teenage women are pregnant, as compared to 18% of teenage women in the non-displaced population. Without sufficient information on birth control and with few appealing options for self-actualization, young displaced women and girls will continue experiencing high rates of pregnancy without the resources to support their children.   
 
According to UNICEF, 70% of displaced children fail to attend school following displacement.  Teachers of displaced children suffer from threats of violence from the armed actors, as found during the recent visit by UN Special Rapporteur on Education, Katarina Tomasevski.  School facilities and supplies may be unavailable to displaced communities due to chronic poverty or state neglect.  Moreover, children may need to work to bring in valuable resources to their family, particularly if their father has been killed or has fled. Among the displaced, higher rates of illiteracy exist in female-headed households than in those headed by men.  As documented by the World Bank, displaced children are at greater risk for recruitment by the armed actors, for delinquency, and for alcohol and drug use. Support for female heads of households would strengthen women’s ability to offer alternate options to their children and would serve to decrease the attraction of participation in the conflict or illegal activity.
 
Proposed reforms in the tutela system threaten the ability of women to use the legal system to address and protect their legal rights, by restricting its use to civil and political rights. The tutela has served as the primary mechanism by which citizens can demand redress of grievances and access justice in Colombia .Its reform would deny women the ability to challenge violations of economic, cultural and social rights.
 
III.       Attacks against Women Organizing
 
In 2002, seventeen percent of the human rights defenders assassinated or disappeared throughout Colombia were women.  Paramilitary and guerrilla groups have sought to repress social organizing, including the participation of women in decision making. The paramilitaries, in particular, have been responsible for the assassination of leaders of women’s organizations. As documented by the UNHCR, illegal armed actors have threatened and assassinated leaders from groups working on women’s participation, economic development, health education, self-esteem, and peace issues. The Inter-American Commission for Human Rights has documented that women who lead organizing efforts are victims of intimidation intended to force them to abandon a given region or to cease in their organizational activities.  In zones controlled by paramilitary or guerrilla forces with indigenous or Afro-Colombian communities, women are frequently prohibited from wearing traditional clothes, arranging their hair according to custom, and engaging in other cultural practices.
 
Over the last four years, paramilitaries have killed thirty-three women leaders from the National Association of Black, Rural and Indigenous Women ( Asociacion Nacional de Mujeres Negras, Campesinas e Indigenas de Colombia -ANUMCIC) and the guerillas have killed two. Two more women have been disappeared and four women leaders raped. ANMUCIC is the target of constant paramilitary threats directed against their leaders and leaders’ families. As a result, nearly fifty percent of the ANMUCIC leaders are currently seeking asylum in foreign countries. Previously, women were primarily affected by the political violence through the deaths of their male relatives and partners; today they are becoming targets of political violence themselves.
 
The Colombian government seeks to utilize women in programs such as the peasant soldier effort ( soldados campesinos), which recruits civilians to work as part time soldiers.  The Uribe Administration has announced its intention to enroll 100,000 youth in the program by the close of its term in office.  According to Colombian NGOs, the government obliges women to present guns to their sons in a ceremonial act to lend legitimacy to the war effort and encourage support of the patria . Families of the peasant soldiers risk becoming military targets of guerrilla forces in their homes and work places; the Administrative Department of Security ( Departamento Administrativo de Seguridad ) has already found that guerrillas have threatened female family members of soldiers, thereby dragging the civilian population further into the conflict. The government also utilizes women’s bodies in war propaganda that encourages guerrillas to desert: one leaflet dropped over guerrilla territory lures desertion through the picture of a nude woman.
President Uribe’s discourse has officially likened human rights defenders to terrorist fronts.  In a speech made on September 8 th of this year, Uribe urged human rights groups to remove their masks and reveal their terrorist identities.  Paramilitary groups were quick to support his message, putting human rights groups at greater risk.  ANMUCIC was specifically mentioned in the President’s comments.
In the past, the United States Embassy has visited women’s groups and provided funding for their development.  Continued support for and presence among women’s projects will strengthen groups’ ability to make change and furnish security for their members.
 
IV.       Recommendations       
 
To the Colombian Government:

• Implement all of the recommendations of the UN Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women.
• Incorporate a gender perspective into its socio-economic, political, cultural and legislative processes.
• Implement measures to protect women from sexual violence including rape, forced sex, prostitution, forced sterilization, forced contraception, and sexual slavery.
• Publicly demonstrate its commitment to the work of NGOs and publicly support women’s rights defenders.
• Ensure an end to impunity, particularly perpetrators of violence against women.
• Establish consultation mechanisms for women in the return and resettlement programs, particularly in the design, implementation, compliance and review phases.
• Review the registration process for IDPs, by providing greater information on the process, requirements and benefits of application, modifying the • identification requirements and shortening the application process.
• Increase assistance to the displaced population and ensure appropriate assistance is provided for women.
• Ensure that aid that supports economic, cultural and social rights be distributed equitably among men and women.
as a member party, implement UN Security Council Resolution 1325 that mandates consultation with women in the peace process.
• Comply with the international treaties affecting women to which it is a party, such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, the American Convention on Human Rights and its Additional Protocol, the “Protocol of San Salvador,” and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Sanction, and Eradication of Violence against Women.
• Ensure that basic socio-economic necessities of mothers and families are addressed as an important step in reducing young men and women’s need to join the illegal armed actors for economic reasons.  
 
To the United States Government:

• Provide economic and social aid instead of military aid to address Colombian socio-economic needs. Prioritize aid to civilian and IDP institutions. Funding should support programs that include women in the design, implementation, compliance and review processes.  All aid should incorporate a gender analysis.
• Use economic and social aid to help ensure that basic socio-economic necessities of mothers and families are addressed as an important step in reducing the likelihood that young men and women will join the illegal armed actors for economic reasons.  
• Use its good offices to support a peace process in Colombia which includes the participation of civil society, with the strong and representative participation of women.
• Establish programs that address and seek to reduce domestic and sexual violence.
• Support women’s groups working for peace in Colombia, such as the Mesa Nacional de Concertacion de Mujeres, Red Nacional de Mujeres , and the Iniciativa de Mujeres Colombianas por la Paz . Express clear U.S. support for threatened Colombian women’s organizations such as ANMUCIC and OFP and ensure that U.S. embassy staff regularly visit their offices.
 
Resources utilized for report and for future information:
IDPs in Colombia, Norwegian Refugee Council’s Global IDP Database, www.idpproject.org .
 
Informe Derechos de las Mujeres en Colombia 2003, by the Red Nacional de Mujeres y la Confluencia Nacional de Redes de Mujeres, August 2003.
 
Senior Inter-Agency Network on Internal Displacement Mission to Colombia, 16-24 August 2001, Findings and Recommendations , by the Senior Inter-Agency Network on Internal Displacement, 2001.
 
Third Report on the Human Rights Situation in Colombia , by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, Organization of American States, OEA/Ser.L/II.102, Doc. 9, Rev 1, February 26, 1999.  
 
United Nations Commission on Human Rights, Report of the Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women, Ms. Radhika Coomaraswamy, Integration of the Human Rights of Women and the Gender Perspective , E/CN.4/2002/83/Add.3, March 11, 2002 .
 
Unseen Millions: The Catastrophe of Internal Displacement in Colombia: Children and Adolescents at Risk , by the Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, March 2002.