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The Protracted Campaign
for Women's Human Rights in Africa:
An interview with Faiza Jama Mohamed, Africa Regional Director,
Equality Now, about the ongoing campaign for full ratification of
the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People's Rights,
on the Rights of Women in Africa (ACHPR). October 27, 2006
By: Rochelle Jones - AWID
AWID: What is the Protocol to the African Charter
on Human and People's Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (ACHPR)?
Faiza: It is an additional Protocol to the African
Charter which was adopted on 11 July 2003 at the 2nd Ordinary Summit
of the African Union in Maputo, Mozambique. The African Charter
does not adequately address issues pertaining to the human rights
of women and that is why an additional protocol was felt necessary
to be put in place.
AWID: What does the Protocol mean for women's rights
in Africa?
Faiza: The Protocol offers women in Africa not
only a bill of rights that addresses protection of their range of
rights within an African context, but also obligates states to take
action and allocate resources to ensure that African women enjoy
these rights.
The Protocol, for the first time in International
law, explicitly sets forth reproductive rights of women by recognising
their right to access medical abortion when pregnancy results from
rape or incest or when the continuation of the pregnancy endangers
the life or health of the mother. It further calls for the elimination
of Female Genital Mutilation and an end to violence against women
as well as recognising women's right to own property and protects
their inheritance rights.
It endorses affirmative action to promote equal
participation of women in the political arena as well as in the
judiciary and law enforcement agencies. It sets forth numerous economic
and social rights such as the right to food security, right to education
and health, right to equal pay for equal work and calls for states
to protect women from sexual exploitation such as prostitution and
trafficking of women and girls.
The Protocol is an inclusive document as it recognises
vulnerable groups of women such as elderly women, disabled women,
women refugees as well as women in distress, widows, pregnant and
nursing women in detention. The Protocol goes a step further calling
on state parties to ensure that where higher standards of rights
exist either within national, regional or international instruments,
they should retain those standards of rights over the provisions
of the Protocol.
AWID: To date, how many countries in the African
Union have ratified the Protocol? What are the barriers to full
ratification, and what are campaigns focusing on to encourage ratification?
Faiza: The pace of ratification has amazingly moved
forward. Today we have 20 ratifications (Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape
Verde, Comoros, Djibouti, Gambia, Libya, Lesotho, Mali, Malawi,
Mozambique, Mauritania, Namibia, Nigeria, Rwanda, South Africa,
Senegal, Seychelles, Togo, and Zambia) and we know that few more
(for example Kenya, Liberia, Tanzania and Swaziland) are in the
process of ratifying.
In January 2005, Solidarity for African Women's
Rights Coalition (for which Equality Now serves as the Secretariat)
introduced rating cards (Red for countries that have not even signed
the Protocol, Yellow for those who have signed it but not taken
the critical step of ratification, and Green for honoring those
countries that have ratified the Protocol) during the Fourth Ordinary
Summit of the African Union (AU) held in Abuja. At that time we
had only 7 ratifications, 26 countries rated yellow and 20 red.
These rating cards became an effective advocacy tool and were widely
publicized. As a result, today we have only 8 countries in the Red
zone, 25 in the Yellow category and 20 rated green.
Several factors can be attributed to the slow pace
of ratification. In conflict countries such as Burundi, The Democratic
Republic of Congo, Somalia and Sudan, peace-making initiatives were
the main priorities of their governments. In countries that were
preparing for national elections such as Ethiopia, Mozambique, Tanzania
and Uganda, political campaigning was the priority for governments.
Mozambique ratified soon after elections.
In others like Egypt, Algeria, Tunisia, Sahraoui
Arab Democratic Republic and other Muslim populated states it appears
that they have issues with some of the provisions of the Protocol
and that has been the cause for their delay in ratifying the Protocol.
Recently, Niger's Parliament refused to ratify the Protocol on the
grounds of religion. However, other Islamic states (Djibouti, Libya,
Mauritania, The Comoros) have ratified it and without reservations.
So one wonders why the others are resisting following suit.
The Solidarity for African Women's Rights (SOAWR)
coalition and the Women, Gender and Development Directorate of the
African Union Commission are planning to host a joint meeting in
Tunis in November 2006 for these countries to deliberate on ways
to move forward the ratification process. Several experts on Islam
would make presentations aimed at removing any doubts about the
Protocol being in contraction with Islam and those Islamic states
that have ratified would also share their cases with the rest. So,
we are optimistic that this consultation will lead to more ratification.
And of course as we did in the past 3 to 4 summits, we will continue
with advocacy interventions with a view to securing ratification
by all the 53 member states but also to call for its domestication.
Our target is to ensure that all countries will do so in order that
all African women will equally have the benefit of the Protocol.
AWID: Women's rights groups were involved in an
intensive and lengthy advocacy campaign for the adoption of the
Protocol, and then again for 15 member states to ratify the Protocol
in order for it to come into effect. This is a striking example
of women's mobilisation - could you tell us about these campaigns,
and how they achieved their outcomes?
Faiza: The adoption of the Protocol came around
after 8 years of campaigning. First, it was about pushing for the
idea of having this protocol which was finally accepted and a resolution
adopted in 1995 by the Heads of State and Government at their 31st
Ordinary Summit of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). Second,
it took time to draft it and come to agreement about the rights
provided in it. Third, the campaign was about strengthening the
document as it was weak and not at par with human rights provisions
in other international instruments that were already ratified by
the African Union member states; and also to convince the governments
to come together to finalize it so that it could be presented for
adoption to the Second Ordinary AU Summit in Maputo (2003).
Three times the African Union Commission had no
quorum to hold the meetings of experts and ministers to finalize
the document and so had postponed the meeting three times. Our intervention,
as women from all over Africa, was important for this to happen.
We succeeded to get more than the quorum needed for the meetings
to happen and to improve on the text that was being proposed for
adoption. A year after the Protocol was adopted a few of us (Equality
Now, FEMNET and Oxfam GB) came together to review how many ratifications
had been received by the AU and we were alarmed to learn that only
The Comoros had ratified it and we later learned that it also did
it by default – by that I mean that the Comoros had many Protocols
pending and was under pressure by the AU Commission to resolve this
situation so its Parliament at one go ratified the whole lot including
the Women's Protocol.
We started to get really concerned that it might
take another 8 years or more for this important Protocol on the
rights of women to enter into force and be of value to women, especially
after learning that the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights,
which is the parent treaty, took 5 years before it was in force;
while the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child,
which was adopted in 1990, came into force 9 years later. Therefore,
we undertook to do something about this and we were inspired by
our earlier successes.
So, again we started consulting with other colleagues
who have been with us in the campaign before (African Center for
Democracy and Human Rights Studies (ACDHRS), WiLDAF, Akina Mama
Wa Afrika, Women's Rights Awareness and Protection Alternative (WRAPA)
in Nigeria, Coalition on Violence Against Women (COVAW) in Kenya,
etc.) and mobilized many more who were equally committed to African
women's rights. We are now about 23 organizations in a coalition
named Solidarity for African Women's Rights (SOAWR) and we have
been campaigning for ratification and domestication of the Protocol
by all the AU member States as well as involved in outreach work
to popularize it. Several strategies have been applied by SOAWR
members to realize these objectives. To name a few:
1. Producing advocacy materials through various
media such as the Special issues of Pambazuka (online newsletter),
the publishing of a booklet titled 'Not Yet a Force for Freedom'
and other publications. These were good means for popularisation
of the Protocol.
2. Making use of mobile phones as way of mobilizing and offering
space for African public participation in the campaign with a view
to urging African leaders to live up to their commitment.
3. Holding press conferences via TV/radio interviews and issuing
press releases as a way of consistently holding governments accountable
while also popularizing the Protocol.
4. Continuously handing out the rating cards (red, yellow and green)
and upgrading the status of countries as they moved to deliver on
their commitments to women.
5. Engaging in direct advocacy whereby SOAWR members dialogue with
member states about the progress of ratification at national level
and during AU summits and learning about any obstacles if any are
inhibiting their progress.
6. Establishing good rapport with the AU Commission through its
legal Counsel, the Gender Directorate and the Commission for Political
Affairs; and with the Special Rappourter on the Rights of Women
of the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights thereby enabling
us to conceive joint actions to sustain pressure on member states
as well as retaining the Protocol as a standing agenda item in the
AU Summits.
7. Communicating directly with Heads of State on a regular basis
and this served as a good method of constantly reminding them of
their commitments. We used opportunities such as the deadline for
the implementation of the Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality
in Africa (a political commitment by Heads of state and government
made in July 2004), the Pan African women's day, the Beijing +10
review process which was looking at progress made by countries to
realize their commitments to women, and the treaties week of the
AU Commission which is a period that member states are urged to
ratify pending protocols.
8. Organizing public events thereby reaching a wider African public
– this proved to be a useful tool for popularization of the
Protocol.
In conclusion, the objectives of our campaign are
focused and clear and our collective energies and actions were therefore
harmonized at realizing these objectives. As a result, the Protocol
on the Rights of Women broke the OAU/AU record by becoming the first
human rights instrument that entered into force in the shortest
period of time! For this we are very proud. But our task is incomplete
until such time we see women actually going to the courts to demand
their rights as provided in the Protocol, and state parties making
real efforts to implement their obligations under this Protocol.
As SOAWR, therefore, we are committed to continue our advocacy interventions.
Recently, we produced jointly with the African Union Commission
a book titled, "Breathing Life into the African Union Protocol
on Women's Rights in Africa" and that is our ultimate goal
– i.e. that the Protocol remains a living instrument that
truly caters for the rights of women. All of us, regardless where
we live have a role to play to make this happen.
From : http://www.awid.org/go.php?list=analysis&prefix=analysis&item=00349
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